作者：傅泰林等 来源：中美印象 钝角网
公开信的一些内容和对中国的指责有待商榷，但是公开信的总体呼吁有利于中美关系的改善和发展。这是自2017年中美关系出现大幅度下滑以来，第一次有这么多美国的公知和前任官员一起公开表示美国行政和立法部门的对华政策是错误的和危险的，正在给美国、美国的盟国和世界带来巨大的负面影响。
（2019年7月3日傍晚）
美国"中国通"在《华盛顿邮报》发表致特朗普总统及国会议员的公开信
作者：傅泰林、芮孝俭、史文、董云裳、傅高义等
翻译：侯沫、张涓（本翻译版权归中美印象和钝角网所有）
编者按：7月3日，在美国国庆节的前一天，包括傅泰林、芮孝俭、史文、董云裳、傅高义等100名美国著名的"中国通"和曾在外交和国家安全领域从事决策或研究的人士在《华盛顿邮报》上发表致总统特朗普和国会议员的公开信。在这封题为《把中国当作敌人适得其反》的公开信中，这些"中国通"提出了七点建议，涉及他们对中国的共同看法，美国在对华政策中存在的问题，以及他们眼中一个更有效的对华战略的要点。
公开信的一些内容和对中国的指责有待商榷，但是公开信的总体呼吁有利于中美关系的改善和发展。这是自2017年中美关系出现大幅度下滑以来第一次有这么多人一起公开表示美国行政和立法部门的对华政策是错误的和危险的，会给美国、美国的盟国和世界带巨大负面影响。
史文透露，公开信发表后，有更多的美国学者和关注中美关系的人要求签名。他们发布了一个链接，需要签署的人可以将自己的信息通过邮件发给他：https://tinyurl.com/y28762ez。
尊敬的特朗普总统与国会议员：
我们是学术界、外交政策界、军界和商界的成员。我们绝大多数都来自美国，其中许多人在自己的职业生涯中自始至终都在关注亚洲地区。我们对于中美关系的恶化深感忧虑。我们相信中美关系的恶化并不符合美国或是全球的利益，尽管我们对于北京近来的行为深感不安，并认为对此需要作出强有力的回应，但我们同样相信，美国的许多举措是中美关系的下滑的主要原因。
接下来的七点主张代表了我们对于中国、美国对华战略的问题以及更加有效的美国对华政策的基本要素的集体看法。列出我们的工作机构只是为了表明我们的身份。
第一、近年来中国那些令人感到不安的行为–包括在国内加大管制力度，加强国家对于民营公司的控制，未能兑现多个贸易承诺，加强对外国意见的控制，以及更加咄咄逼人的外交政策–对世界很多国家构成了严峻的挑战。面对这些挑战，需要美国作出坚决和有效的应对。然而，美国政府目前的对华政策根本是适得其反的。
第二、我们认为北京不是一个经济敌人，也没有对美国的生死存亡构成威胁，没有必要在所有领域与其抗争。中国也不是铁板一块，其领导人的看法也不是一成不变的。尽管其经济与军事实力的迅速增长促使北京在国际舞台上扮演起了愈发咄咄逼人的角色，但许多中国官员及其他精英知道，对西方采取克制、务实和真诚合作的态度，是符合中国利益的。华盛顿对待中国的敌对态度削弱了这些声音的影响力，使得咄咄逼人的民族主义者更加受到青睐。如果在竞争与合作之间达成恰当的平衡，那么美国的行动将有助于强化那些希望中国在世界事务中发挥更具建设性作用的领导人的地位。
第三、美国将中国视为敌人，并试图解除中国与全球经济联系的做法，可能会破坏美国在国际舞台的形象与声誉，并损害所有国家的经济利益。美国的反对将无法阻止中国经济的继续崛起，无法阻止中国公司占据更大的全球市场份额，也无法阻遏中国在世界事务中发挥更大的作用。此外，美国要想极大地延缓中国崛起的步伐，就势必会伤害自己。如果美国向自己的盟国施压，要求它们也将中国视为经济和政治上的敌人，这就会削弱美国与这些盟国之间的关系，有可能导致自己，而不是北京，陷入孤立的境地。
第四、害怕北京将取代美国成为全球领袖的情绪被夸大了。这样的结果不符合大多数其他国家的利益，北京自己是否认为这一目标是必要或可行的也不得而知。此外，一个限制本国公民获得信息和机遇的自由和打压少数群体的政府既不会获得强有力的国际支持，也无法成功地吸引全球人才。对于这些做法，美国最好的回应方式就是与我们的盟国和伙伴一道，开拓一个更加开放与繁荣的世界，而中国也将获得参与开拓这一世界的机会。试图孤立中国的做法，只会起到削弱那些希望中国变成一个更加人道和宽容的社会的中国人的作用。
第五、尽管中国制定了在本世纪中叶之前成为世界级军事强国的目标，但要想成为一个在全球范围内占据主导地位的军事强权，中国还面临巨大的障碍。不过，北京不断增长的军事实力侵蚀了美国在西太平洋地区长期以来的军事主导地位。在这一方面，最好的回应方式不是与中国公然展开以开发进攻性、深度打击武器为核心的军备竞赛，也不是确立美国在直抵中国边界的地区夺回全方位的主导地位这一几乎不可能实现的目标。更加明智的政策是与盟国加强合作，一同维持威慑力，加强防御性的区域阻遏能力、培育韧性以及提高挫败对于美国或其盟国发动的袭击的能力。
第六、北京正在试图削弱全球秩序内部西方民主范式的作用，但北京并不试图推翻这一秩序中至关重要的经济及其他成分。数十年来，中国本身就从这一秩序中获得了重大利益。实际上，中国对于国际体系的参与对于这一体系的存续以及在气候变化等共同问题上采取有效的行动而言都是至关重要的。美国应该鼓励中国参与新的或是修正后的全球机制。在这些机制中，新兴国家将能够发出更大的声音。以"零和博弈"的方式对待中国，将只会起到鼓励北京要么退出这一体系，要么另起灶炉、创立另外一套全球秩序的作用，而这些做法都是有损西方利益的。
第七、总而言之，成功的美国对华政策必须专注于与其他国家一道，创造一个支持其经济与安全目标的持久的联盟。这一对华政策必须建立在这样的基础之上：现实地评价中国的感知、利益、目标和行为；准确地调度美国及其盟国的资源，令其匹配各种政策目标与利益；再度致力于强化美国作为其他国家模范的能力。最终，恢复美国在一个动荡的世界中展开有效竞争的能力，并且与其他国家和国际组织一道合作，而不是推行一套旨在阻挠或是遏制中国与世界接触的适得其反的做法，才是最符合美国利益的。
我们相信，这封公开信有这么多人联署明确表明，有些人所谓华盛顿各界对中国同仇敌忾的共识其实并不存在。
附：签署者一览
M. Taylor Fravel（傅泰林）是麻省理工学院的政治学教授。 J. Stapleton Roy （芮孝俭）是威尔逊中心的杰出学者，曾任美国驻华大使；Michael D. Swaine（史文）是卡内基国际和平基金会的高级研究员。 Susan A. Thornton（董云裳）是耶鲁大学法学院Paul Tsai中国中心的高级研究员，曾任东亚及太平洋事务助理国务卿；Ezra Vogel（傅高义）是哈佛大学荣誉退休教授。
上述人员散发了信件，并得到以下个人的签名：
James Acton，卡内基国际和平基金会主席，核政策项目联合主任
Craig Allen，美国前驻文莱大使
Andrew Bacevich，Quincy负责任治理研究所的联合创始人
Jeffrey A. Bader，布鲁金斯学会高级研究员
C. Fred Bergsten，彼得森国际经济研究所高级研究员兼名誉主任
Jan Berris，美中关系全国委员会副主席
Dennis J. Blasko，1992年至1996年前驻华武官
Pieter Bottelier，约翰霍普金斯大学高级国际研究学院访问学者
Ian Bremmer，欧亚集团主席
Richard Bush，布鲁金斯学会台湾研究主任
Jerome A. Cohen，纽约大学法学院美国–亚洲法学院教授主任
Warren I. Cohen，马里兰大学荣誉退休教授
Bernard Cole，前美国海军上尉
James F. Collins，美国驻俄罗斯联邦大使（1997-2001）
Gerald L Curtis，哥伦比亚大学名誉退休教授
Toby Dalton，卡内基国际和平基金会核政策项目联合主任
Robert Daly，威尔逊中心基辛格中美关系研究所所长
Michael C. Desch，圣母大学国际事务教授兼国际安全中心主任
Mac Destler，马里兰大学公共政策学院荣誉退休教授
Bruce Dickson，乔治华盛顿大学政治学和国际事务教授
David Dollar，布鲁金斯学会高级研究员
Peter Dutton，纽约大学法学院美国–亚洲法律研究所高级研究员；兼职教授
Robert Einhorn，布鲁金斯学会高级研究员；负责防扩散的国家助理国务卿（2009-2013）
Amitai Etzioni，乔治华盛顿大学大学国际事务教授
Thomas Fingar，斯坦福大学亚太研究中心；前国家情报分析副主任（2005-2008）
Mary Gallagher，密歇根大学政治学教授兼Lieberthal-Rogel中国研究中心主任
John Gannon，乔治城大学兼职教授；国家情报委员会前主席（1997-2001）
Avery Goldstein，宾夕法尼亚大学全球政治与国际关系教授
Steven M. Goldstein，哈佛大学台湾研究工作室主任，费正清中国研究中心研究员
David F. Gordon，国际战略研究所高级顾问；美国国务院前政策规划局局长（2007-2009）
Philip H. Gordon，美国对外关系委员会外交政策高级研究员；前总统特别助理兼中东协调员，欧洲和欧亚事务助理国务卿
Morton H. Halperin，国务院政策规划局前局长（1998-2001）
Lee Hamilton，前国会议员；威尔逊中心主任前主席
Clifford A. Hart Jr.，前美国驻香港和澳门总领事（2013-2016）
Paul Heer，乔治华盛顿大学兼职教授；东亚国家情报官员（2007-2015）
Eric Heginbotham，麻省理工学院国际研究中心首席研究员
Ambassador Carla A. Hills，美国前贸易代表（1989-1993）；Hills＆Company 国际咨询公司 主席兼首席执行官
Jamie P. Horsley，耶鲁大学法学院中国中心高级研究员
Yukon Huang，卡内基国际和平基金会高级研究员
Frank Jannuzi，Maureen和Mike Mansfield基金会总裁兼首席执行官
Robert Jervis，哥伦比亚大学国际与公共事务教授
Marvin Kalb，布鲁金斯学会非常驻高级研究员
Mickey Kantor，前商务部长（1996-1997）；美国贸易代表（1993-1996）
Robert Kapp，Robert A. Kapp＆Associates公司总裁；美中贸易全国委员会前主席；华盛顿国际贸易理事会前主席
Albert Keidel，乔治华盛顿大学兼职研究生教授；财政部东亚国家办事处前副主任（2001-2004）
Robert O. Keohane，普林斯顿大学名誉退休国际事务教授
William Kirby，哈佛大学商学院教授，中国研究教授
Helena Kolenda， Henry Luce Foundation亚洲项目总监
Charles Kupchan，乔治称大学国际事务教授；对外关系委员会高级研究员
David M. Lampton，约翰·霍普金斯大学高级国际研究学院荣誉退休教授；斯坦福大学亚太研究中心研究员；美中关系全国委员会前主席
Nicholas Lardy，彼得森国际经济研究所高级研究员
Chung Min Lee，卡内基国际和平基金会高级研究员
Herbert Levin，前中国国家安全委员会和政策规划委员会成员
Cheng Li，布鲁金斯学会John L. Thornton中国中心主任兼高级研究员
Kenneth Lieberthal，密歇根大学名誉教授；国家安全委员会亚洲高级主任（1998–2000）
Yawei Liu，卡特中心中国项目主任
Jessica Mathews, 卡内基国际和平基金会的杰出研究员
James McGregor，APCO Worldwide大中华区主席
John McLaughlin，约翰·霍普金斯大学高级国际研究学院住院杰出学者；中央情报局前副局长兼代理主任（2000-2004）
Andrew Mertha，约翰·霍普金斯大学教授，高级国际研究学院中国项目主任
Alice Lyman Miller，斯坦福大学胡佛研究所研究员
Mike Mochizuki，乔治华盛顿大学日美研究主任
Michael Nacht，加州大学伯克利分校公共政策教授；国防部全球战略事务助理部长（2009-2010）
Moises Naim，卡内基国际和平基金会的杰出研究员
Joseph Nye，哈佛大学肯尼迪政府学院前院长，杰出教授
Kevin O’Brien，加州大学伯克利分校政治学教授兼东亚研究所所长
Jean Oi，斯坦福大学中国政治学教授
Stephen A. Orlins，美中关系全国委员会主席
William Overholt，哈佛大学肯尼迪政府学院高级研究员
Douglas Paal，卡内基国际和平基金会杰出研究员
Margaret M. Pearson，马里兰大学杰出教授
Peter C. Perdue，耶鲁大学历史系教授
Elizabeth J. Perry，哈佛大学政府系教授，燕京学社社长
Daniel W Piccuta，美国驻华大使副馆长，代理大使
Thomas Pickering，美国国务院前任政治事务副部长（1997–2000）；美国前驻联合国大使（1989-1992）
Paul R. Pillar，乔治城大学安全研究中心非常驻高级研究员
Jonathan D. Pollack，布鲁金斯学会John L. Thornton中国中心非常驻高级研究员
Barry Posen，麻省理工学院国际政治学教授；麻省理工学院安全研究项目主任
Shelley Rigger，戴维森学院东亚政治学教授
Charles S. Robb，前美国参议员（1989-2001）；参议院外交关系委员会东亚小组委员会前主席；弗吉尼亚州州长（1982-1986）
Robert S. Ross，波士顿学院政治学教授
Scott D. Sagan，斯坦福大学政治学教授
Gary Samore，布兰代斯大学中东研究中心高级执行主任
Richard J. Samuels，麻省理工学院国际政治学教授；国际研究中心主任
David Shear，前助理国防部长（2014-2016）；前美国驻越南大使
Anne-Marie Slaughter，国务院前政策规划局局长（2009-2011）；普林斯顿大学政治与国际事务荣誉教授
Richard Sokolsky，卡内基国际和平基金会俄罗斯和欧亚项目非常驻高级研究员
James Steinberg，前副国务卿（2009-2011）
Michael Szonyi，哈佛大学历史学教授，费正清中国研究中心主任
Strobe Talbott，前副国务卿（1994-2001)
Anne F. Thurston，约翰·霍普金斯大学高级国际研究学院前高级研究教授
Andrew G. Walder，斯坦福大学人文与科学学院教授
Graham Webster，斯坦福大学DigiChina项目协调编辑
David A. Welch，Balsillie国际事务学院研究主席
Daniel B. Wright，GreenPoint集团总裁兼首席执行官；财政部中国与战略经济对话前执行主任
（2019年7月3日上午）
《华盛顿邮报》今天发表题为《把中国变成美国的敌人于事无补》的给特朗普总统的公开信。此信由美国麻省理工学院教授傅泰林、前美国驻华大使芮效俭、卡内基国际和平基金会高级研究员史文、前美国国务院代理助理国务卿董云裳和前哈佛大学教授傅高义撰写，并有其他95名美国的“中国通”联署（共100人）。公开信从7个方面论证为何中美对抗与美国不利，并指出联署此信的人数表明，在华盛顿并没有必须与中国为敌的压倒性共识。
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Making
China a U.S. enemy is counterproductive
By M. Taylor Fravel , J. Stapleton Roy , Michael D. Swaine , Susan A. Thornton and Ezra Vogel
July 3, 2019 Washington Post
Dear President Trump
and members of Congress:
We are members of the
scholarly, foreign policy, military and business community, overwhelmingly from
the United States, including many who have focused on Asia throughout our
professional careers. We are deeply concerned about the growing deterioration
in U.S. relations with China, which we believe does not serve American or
global interests. Although we are very troubled by Beijing’s recent behavior,
which requires a strong response, we also believe that many U.S. actions are
contributing directly to the downward spiral in relations.
The following seven
propositions represent our collective views on China, the problems in the U.S.
approach to China and the basic elements of a more effective U.S. policy. Our
institutional affiliations are provided for identification purposes only.
1. China’s troubling
behavior in recent years — including its turn toward greater domestic
repression, increased state control over private firms, failure to live up to
several of its trade commitments, greater efforts to control foreign opinion
and more aggressive foreign policy — raises serious challenges for the rest of
the world. These challenges require a firm and effective U.S. response, but the
current approach to China is fundamentally counterproductive.
2. We do not believe
that Beijing is an economic enemy or an existential national security threat
that must be confronted in every sphere; nor is China a monolith, or the views
of its leaders set in stone. Although its rapid economic and military growth
has led Beijing toward a more assertive international role, many Chinese
officials and other elites know that a moderate, pragmatic and genuinely
cooperative approach with the West serves China’s interests. Washington’s
adversarial stance toward Beijing weakens the influence of those voices in
favor of assertive nationalists. With the right balance of competition and
cooperation, U.S. actions can strengthen those Chinese leaders who want China
to play a constructive role in world affairs.
3. U.S. efforts to treat China as an enemy and decouple it from the global economy will damage the United States’ international role and reputation and undermine the economic interests of all nations. U.S. opposition will not prevent the continued expansion of the Chinese economy, a greater global market share for Chinese companies and an increase in China’s role in world affairs. Moreover, the United States cannot significantly slow China’s rise without damaging itself. If the United States presses its allies to treat China as an economic and political enemy, it will weaken its relations with those allies and could end up isolating itself rather than Beijing.
4. The fear that
Beijing will replace the United States as the global leader is exaggerated.
Most other countries have no interest in such an outcome, and it is not clear
that Beijing itself sees this goal as necessary or feasible. Moreover, a
government intent on limiting the information and opportunities available to
its own citizens and harshly repressing its ethnic minorities will not garner
meaningful international support nor succeed in attracting global talent. The
best American response to these practices is to work with our allies and
partners to create a more open and prosperous world in which China is offered
the opportunity to participate. Efforts to isolate China will simply weaken
those Chinese intent on developing a more humane and tolerant society.
5. Although China has
set a goal of becoming a world-class military by mid-century, it faces immense
hurdles to operating as a globally dominant military power. However, Beijing’s
growing military capabilities have already eroded the United States’
long-standing military preeminence in the Western Pacific. The best way to
respond to this is not to engage in an open-ended arms race centered on
offensive, deep-strike weapons and the virtually impossible goal of reasserting
full-spectrum U.S. dominance up to China’s borders. A wiser policy is to work
with allies to maintain deterrence, emphasizing defensive-oriented, area denial
capabilities, resiliency and the ability to frustrate attacks on U.S. or allied
territory.
6. Beijing is seeking
to weaken the role of Western democratic norms within the global order. But it
is not seeking to overturn vital economic and other components of that order
from which China itself has benefited for decades. Indeed, China’s engagement
in the international system is essential to the system’s survival and to
effective action on common problems such as climate change. The United States
should encourage Chinese participation in new or modified global regimes in
which rising powers have a greater voice. A zero-sum approach to China’s role
would only encourage Beijing to either disengage from the system or sponsor a
divided global order that would be damaging to Western interests.
7. In conclusion, a
successful U.S. approach to China must focus on creating enduring coalitions
with other countries in support of economic and security objectives. It must be
based on a realistic appraisal of Chinese perceptions, interests, goals and
behavior; an accurate match of U.S. and allied resources with policy goals and
interests; and a rededication of U.S. efforts to strengthen its own capacity to
serve as a model for others. Ultimately, the United States’ interests are best
served by restoring its ability to compete effectively in a changing world and
by working alongside other nations and international organizations rather than
by promoting a counterproductive effort to undermine and contain China’s
engagement with the world.
We believe that the
large number of signers of this open letter clearly indicates that there is no
single Washington consensus endorsing an overall adversarial stance toward
China, as some believe exists.
M. Taylor Fravel is a
professor of political science at MIT. J. Stapleton Roy is a distinguished
scholar at the Wilson Center and a former U.S. ambassador to China. Michael D.
Swaine is a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
Susan A. Thornton is a senior fellow at Yale Law School’s Paul Tsai China
Center and a former acting assistant secretary of state for East Asian and
Pacific affairs. Ezra Vogel is a professor emeritus at Harvard University.
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The above individuals
circulated the letter, which was signed by the following individuals:
●James Acton,
co-director, Nuclear Policy Program and Jessica T. Mathews Chair, Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace
●Craig Allen, former
U.S. ambassador to Brunei from 2014–2018
●Andrew Bacevich,
co-founder, Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft
●Jeffrey A. Bader,
senior fellow, Brookings Institution
●C. Fred Bergsten,
senior fellow and director emeritus, Peterson Institute for International
Economics
●Jan Berris, vice
president, National Committee on United States-China Relations
●Dennis J. Blasko,
former U.S. Army Attaché to China, 1992-1996
●Pieter Bottelier,
visiting scholar, School of Advanced International Studies at Johns Hopkins
University
●Ian Bremmer,
president, Eurasia Group
●Richard Bush, Chen-Fu
and Cecilia Yen Koo Chair in Taiwan Studies, Brookings Institution
●Jerome A. Cohen,
faculty director, US-Asia Law Institute, New York University
●Warren I. Cohen,
distinguished university professor emeritus, University of Maryland
●Bernard Cole, former
U.S. Navy captain
●James F. Collins,
U.S. ambassador to the Russian Federation 1997-2001
●Gerald L Curtis,
Burgess Professor Emeritus, Columbia University
●Toby Dalton,
co-director, Nuclear Policy Program, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
●Robert Daly,
director, Kissinger Institute on China and the U.S., Wilson Center
●Michael C. Desch,
Packey J. Professor of International Affairs and director of the Notre Dame
International Security Center
●Mac Destler,
professor emeritus, University of Maryland School of Public Policy
●Bruce Dickson,
professor of political science and international affairs, George Washington
University
●David Dollar, senior
fellow, Brookings Institution
●Peter Dutton, senior
fellow, U.S.-Asia Law Institute; adjunct Professor, New York University School
of Law
●Robert Einhorn,
senior fellow, Brookings Institution; former assistant secretary of state for
nonproliferation, 2009-2013
●Amitai Etzioni,
University Professor and Professor of International Affairs, George Washington
University
●Thomas Fingar, Asia
Pacific Research Center, Stanford University; former deputy director of
national intelligence for analysis, 2005-2008
●Mary Gallagher,
political science professor and director of the Lieberthal-Rogel Center for
Chinese Studies, University of Michigan
●John Gannon, adjunct
professor, Georgetown University; former chairman of the National Intelligence
Council, 1997-2001
●Avery Goldstein,
David M. Knott Professor of Global Politics and International Relations,
University of Pennsylvania
●Steven M. Goldstein,
associate of the Fairbank Center; director of the Taiwan Studies Workshop at
Harvard University
●David F. Gordon,
senior advisor, International Institute of Strategic Studies; former director
of Policy Planning at the U.S. State Department, 2007-2009
●Philip H. Gordon,
Mary and David Boies Senior Fellow in U.S. Foreign Policy at the Council on
Foreign Relations; former special assistant to the president and Coordinator
for the Middle East and assistant secretary of state for European and Eurasian
Affairs
●Morton H. Halperin,
former director of Policy Planning Staff at State Department, 1998-2001
●Lee Hamilton, former
congressman; former president and director of the Wilson Center
●Clifford A. Hart Jr.,
former U.S. consul general to Hong Kong and Macau, 2013-2016
●Paul Heer, adjunct
professor, George Washington University; former National Intelligence Officer
for East Asia, 2007-2015
●Eric Heginbotham,
principal research scientist, Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s Center
for International Studies
●Ambassador Carla A.
Hills, former United States Trade Representative, 1989-1993; chair & CEO
Hills & Company, International Consultants
●Jamie P. Horsley,
senior fellow at the Paul Tsai China Center, Yale Law School
●Yukon Huang, senior
fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
●Frank Jannuzi, president
and CEO, Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation
●Robert Jervis, Adlai
E. Stevenson Professor and Professor of International and Public Affairs,
Columbia University
●Marvin Kalb,
nonresident senior fellow, Brookings Institution
●Mickey Kantor, former
secretary of commerce,1996-1997; U.S. trade representative, 1993-1996
●Robert Kapp,
president, Robert A. Kapp & Associates, Inc.; former president, U.S.-China
Business Council; former president, Washington Council on International Trade
●Albert Keidel, adjunct
graduate professor, George Washington University; former deputy director of the
Office of East Asian Nations at the Treasury Department, 2001-2004
●Robert O. Keohane,
professor of International Affairs emeritus, Princeton University
●William Kirby,
Spangler Family Professor of Business Administration at Harvard Business
School; T. M. Chang Professor of China Studies at Harvard University
●Helena Kolenda,
program director for Asia, Henry Luce Foundation
●Charles Kupchan,
professor of International Affairs, Georgetown University; senior fellow,
Council on Foreign Relations
●David M. Lampton,
professor emeritus at Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International
Studies; Oksenberg Rholen Fellow, Stanford University Asia-Pacific Research
Center; former president, National Committee on U.S.-China Relations
●Nicholas Lardy,
Anthony M. Solomon Senior Fellow, Peterson Institute for International
Economics
●Chung Min Lee, senior
fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
●Herbert Levin, former
staff member for China on National Security Council and Policy Planning Council
●Cheng Li, director
and senior fellow, John L. Thornton China Center, The Brookings Institution
●Kenneth Lieberthal,
professor emeritus, University of Michigan; former Asia senior director,
National Security Council, 1998-2000
●Yawei Liu, director
of China Program, The Carter Center
●Jessica Mathews,
distinguished fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
●James McGregor,
chairman, Greater China, APCO Worldwide
●John McLaughlin,
distinguished practitioner in residence, School of Advanced International
Studies at Johns Hopkins University; former deputy director and acting director
of the CIA, 2000-2004
●Andrew Mertha, Hyman
Professor and Director of the China Program, School of Advanced International
Studies at Johns Hopkins University
●Alice Lyman Miller,
research fellow, Hoover Institution, Stanford University
●Mike Mochizuki,
Japan-U.S. Relations Chair in Memory of Gaston Sigur, George Washington
University
●Michael Nacht, Thomas
and Alison Schneider Professor of Public Policy, University of California,
Berkeley; former assistant secretary of defense for global strategic affairs,
2009-2010
●Moises Naim,
distinguished fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
●Joseph Nye,
University Distinguished Service Professor emeritus and former dean, Kennedy
School of Government at Harvard University
●Kevin O’Brien,
political science professor and director of Institute of East Asian Studies,
University of California, Berkeley
●Jean Oi, William Haas
Professor of Chinese Politics, Stanford University
●Stephen A. Orlins,
president, National Committee on U.S.-China Relations
●William Overholt
senior research fellow, Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business and Government,
Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University
●Douglas Paal,
distinguished fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
●Margaret M. Pearson,
Dr. Horace V. and Wilma E. Harrison Distinguished Professor, University of
Maryland, College Park
●Peter C. Perdue,
professor of history, Yale University
●Elizabeth J. Perry ,
Henry Rosovsky Professor of Government, Harvard University; director,
Harvard-Yenching Institute
●Daniel W Piccuta,
former deputy chief of mission and acting ambassador, Beijing
●Thomas Pickering,
former under secretary of state for political affairs, 1997-2000; former U.S.
ambassador to the United Nations from 1989-1992
●Paul R. Pillar ,
nonresident senior fellow at the Center for Security Studies, Georgetown
University
●Jonathan D. Pollack,
nonresident senior fellow, John L. Thornton China Center, Brookings Institution
●Barry Posen, Ford
International Professor of Political Science, Massachusetts Institute of
Technology; director, MIT Security Studies Program
●Shelley Rigger, Brown
Professor of East Asian Politics, Davidson College
●Charles S. Robb,
former U.S. senator (1989-2001) and former chairman of the East Asia
subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee; governor of Virginia
from 1982 to 1986
●Robert S. Ross,
professor of political science, Boston College
●Scott D. Sagan, the
Caroline S.G. Munro Professor of Political Science, Stanford University
●Gary Samore, senior
executive director, Crown Center for Middle East Studies at Brandeis University
●Richard J. Samuels,
Ford International Professor of Political Science and director, Massachusetts
Institute of Technology’s Center for International Studies
●David Shear, former
assistant secretary of defense, 2014-2016; former U.S. ambassador to Vietnam
●Anne-Marie Slaughter,
former director of policy planning, State Department, 2009-2011; Bert G.
Kerstetter ‘66 University Professor Emerita of Politics and International
Affairs, Princeton University
●Richard Sokolsky,
nonresident senior fellow, Russia and Eurasia Program, Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace
●James Steinberg,
former deputy secretary of state, 2009-2011
●Michael Szonyi, Frank
Wen-Hsiung Wu Memorial Professor of Chinese History Director, Fairbank Center
for Chinese Studies, Harvard University
●Strobe Talbott,
former deputy secretary of state, 1994-2001
●Anne F. Thurston,
former senior research professor, School of Advanced International Studies at
Johns Hopkins University
●Andrew G. Walder,
Denise O’Leary and Kent Thiry Professor, School of Humanities and Sciences,
Stanford University
●Graham Webster,
coordinating editor, Stanford-New America DigiChina Project
●David A. Welch,
University Research Chair, Balsillie School of International Affairs
●Daniel B. Wright,
president and CEO, GreenPoint Group; former managing director for China and the
Strategic Economic Dialogue, Treasury Department
来源时间：2019/7/3 发布时间：2019/7/3
旧文章ID：18962
